Wednesday, November 14, 2012

Ethnography Review Paper


Monica Huelga
                                                                                                            11/14/12
Anth 215

Ethnography Review:
The Professional Guinea Pig: Big Pharma and the Risky World of Human Subjects (Roberto Abadie)

Often times, anthropology is thought of to examine low-income areas and cultures that are not familiar with in the Western world. I wanted to look at something different. I wanted to look at something that I am not as far removed from, and something that is not often looked at as being a culture. I read the ethnography The Professional Guinea Pig: Big Pharma and the Risky World of Human Subjects, by Roberto Abadie. Abadie discusses the life in the United States pharmaceutical industry and the people who volunteer to test medications before they are declared safe for humans and go on the market, known as guinea pigs. Professional guinea pigs are those who essentially make a living out of pharmaceutical trials’ financial compensation and do several studies annually. There are many phases and types of medications tested, and this particular work focuses on phase I trials, which means the medications have never been in a human before. Phase I begins after toxic levels tested in animals are not alarming. This phase also calls for healthy adults, which means these guinea pigs are putting their optimal health at risk by taking a treatment for something they don’t necessarily need.  The research was to examine not only what goes behind the prominent, and growing, American pharmaceutical companies, but also how the trials reflect the morals and values of mankind, and particularly our nation.
Guinea pigs’ incentives express the value Americans place on our bodies and health. The industries use financial compensation for putting such a risk on people’s health. Human bodies are basically seen as a service to the pharmaceutical industry, despite how they frame it. It is not the body the industries claim to be compensating the “paid volunteers” for, but the “’time and travel expenses’” (Abadie 2010: 9). Professional guinea pigs explain how they think of money while getting through trials, and backing out will result in a smaller paycheck, despite the discomfort and potential harm their body is under (Abadie 2010: 158). It may been seen as taking care of family, but the majority of the guinea pigs didn’t mention their family whatsoever, simply the financial security the tests entail. Our culture is more concerned with economic gains, than the wellbeing of their body.
One study’s participants Abadie spoke with gave a unanimous reason of doing the study. Regardless of their education level, ethnicity, or age, everyone explained how it was to “’make easy money,’ ‘quick money, ’a considerable amount of money in a relatively short amount of time’” (Abadie 2010: 30). Participating in studies requires a flexible schedule, meaning not having a job is ideal for being part of a trial. With an open schedule and proportionally a large sum of income, professional guinea pigs explain that “clinical trials [are] much better than a job at McDonalds” (Abadie 2010: 32). One would rather work in the pharmaceutical industry, technically, than the fast food business. American’s are not only concerned about financial gain, but also social images, determined by their field of work. 
The compromised schedule provides the guinea pigs to feel like they are not working at all; the profession of clinical trials is work based on enduring something, not labor taking up any of their time or energy. One guinea pig expanded on this idea and said that he “focuses not on his body and what is going on. Instead he thinks about the things he will do with the money he receives” (Abadie 2010: 47).  There is a “detachment between the mind and the body experiences,” which Abadie compared to tactics of sex workers. Frankly, I think our culture is lazy. Mankind makes luxury of having to put the least amount of effort for the highest amount of profit, regardless of implications and consequences. We eat fast food ever day because a $1 hamburger is more appealing than a $10 organic vegetable bowl, no matter what we believe is healthier. We have resorted to a job that means going to work is going to sleep and watching TV, despite the medication pumping through the body, rather than building a house or delivering newspapers for the same amount of profit. Future outlooks seem little to no concern to many people in the United States; current affairs are the prevailing interest.
Essentially, bodies are becoming a commodity. With the prospective of acute side effects, rather than long-term effects, it seems as if we are beginning to take the easy way. One participant expanded on this idea by saying, “they pay you just to demean you to animal status, you are just letting yourself be measured by the functions of your organs” (Abadie 2010: 47). When the pharmaceutical industry was approached on such a thought, they denied the compensation was for their body. Therefore, their body would not be the commodity, but the financial compensation was for their “’time and efforts’” (Abadie 2010: 140), making their jobs just like any other profession. A job where you swallow a pill and get studied on what organs undergo with such medication is not work, it is being used as an object.
Being compensated for their time and efforts, a traditional means of making money, there should be a traditional amount of risk. Teachers, retail associates, lawyers, conversely, have no informed-consent forms that they must fill out. We discussed informed-consent forms in class and how a signature doesn’t always signify understanding and competence of everything involved in what they are about to do, especially the risks. Abadie said, “informed-consent forms contain hyper technical language and avoid references to risks, suffering, and death” (Abadie 2010: 140).  For instance, using the word “anaphylactic reactions” is not a common, everyday term that people use. One form used this term, a guinea pig approached the staff for clarification, and they explained that it is when the heart and breathing stop. The guinea pig clarified that was being dead, and the staff concluded that if those functions do not start again, then he was correct. In the form, anaphylactic was used, but death was not. Understanding the forms would being “recognition of the commodification of their bodies [and prompt] them to challenge the ethics of clinical-trial research under the current institutional arrangements” (Abadie 2010: 141).  If word substitutes did not exist and common language was used, professional guinea pigs’ work would be recognized as body commodification. The simple fact that there is a consent form for this profession deems curiosity in the ethics behind such a market.
Risk analysis is a large contributor to the decisions and motives the profession guinea pigs possess. Similar to what we discussed in class and how one’s history, surrounding environment, and experiences shape perception; they also shape assessment of risk. It was explained “human subjects’ understanding the risks in phase I research has not been studied, however there are some studies of volunteers in later phases of drug development” (Abadie 2010: 73). In regards to the targeting of lower-income subjects with the financial compensation, this also inhibits their ability to value risk. For instance, with the chance “earn a livelihood, the poor and disenfranchised face risks that they may not recognize or are unwilling to forgo” (Abadie 2010: 71). The works of professional guinea pigs are not as publically stigmatized as being risky, like coal miners for example, and even if the risks are acknowledged, financial concerns are of main interest.
            The clinical trial culture is dominated by biomedical benefit, but it often comes at a cost of individual citizens. Besides a healthy body, there are little requirements for such a job. This is creating a wide labor market for professional guinea pigs, and with the financial compensation, “usually the research subjects [come] from the lower strata of society: the poor and the disenfranchised” (Abadie 2010: 122), also leading to more questionably ethical affairs. The Tuskegee syphilis experiment is also a classis example of exploiting the lower class. The Tuskegee experiment was to study the stages of syphilis, but the test subjects were not informed of the goal of the study. They were under the impression they would receive treatment; they were isolated for decades with no treatment given, despite available medication. Abadie points out that this study “is a tragic example of how racism, science, and state power interacted to shape the biomedical research involving human subjects,” (Abadie 2010: 124). Biomedicine advancements are used to help mankind, but the testing and process to make those medications are becoming much more of a concern than just biomedicine.  Considering evidence from Abadie’s work and the documentary Outsourced: Clinical trials overseas, which we viewed in class, the biomedical industry is in favor of their benefit, at the cost of citizens, especially those vulnerable to misunderstandings, including illiterate individuals and foreigners unaware of their motives.
Overall, I really enjoyed this ethnography for many aspects. I think that the medicalization and consumerism of our culture is overlapping, and this is a clear example of the fusion between the two. I typically support a holistic approach to human wellness, but I do see when Western medicine is a better option. For instance, I like my loved ones to be saved in traumatic accidents and to be eased of pain when other approached have failed. This book, however, points out that we are taking health to a new level. Our body’s health is being overlooked by consumerism and financial compensation. We compensate health for money, ironically for medications allegedly trying to enhance health. I think it is something that reflects the morals of our people and the values our lives are based on. What will we be able to buy with that compensation money if we are dead? I think Abadie’s concern and role was to make us think about what we would do, make us aware what goes on in our consumer culture, and what decisions says about what values we have. Whether Abadie was trying to demonstrate the ways of the pharmaceutical industry or the actions of the human subjects themselves, I believe he did his share of demonstrating conundrums of both.
I appreciated that Abadie included perspectives from the pharmaceutical industry and what their thought are, for example, what they believe they are compensating trial subjects for. However, I think he could have talked about the positives of the studies what findings came out of this structure. With so many ethical concerns and health risks, it seems as if the pharmaceutical industry is simply too imperil of a business to be allowed to be continued. Yet, these tests are needed to develop new medications, which have helped countless people. I still don’t think they are being ethical, I don’t think people should have to resort to harming their body for money, and I think our culture needs to be less focused on profit and effortlessness, but I do recognize that there is some positive gain that wasn’t weighted appropriately in the reading.
Despite not speaking about the positive outcomes of the trials, Abadie did a great job getting firsthand explanations from the professional guinea pigs themselves. From the outsiders perceptive, I just see a new drug commercial, or assume that the medications I use are safe. I had never thought what people go through behind the scenes. When I hear that a new product trying to combat disease, for example a HIV/AIDS antivirus drug, I don’t really think of all the tests that are going on, or if someone has been harmed to conclude that something is not safe for public use. Abadie did well at exposing behind the scenes of a market we encounter on a daily basis.
This work focuses primarily on trials in the United States, and a few instances from Canada. Nevertheless, I do think of this as a global health issue, especially considering the film we watched in class about India’s people being tested for our drugs. Tests are being exploited into low-income countries with faulty informed-consent forms because of language barriers and illiteracy. Also, I think this is a problem with biomedical culture, not necessarily the American culture. Medical schools in the United States foster many international students, who go back to their home country and server their citizens. The ideologies and feelings developed and taught in medical school, I think, are what have lead to the desensitization in clinical drug trials and pharmaceutical industries thinking of the body as a commodity. Bodies are not seen as people or attached to a life; they are seen as a body for testing, simply a subject, with no emotional attachment. Although guinea pigs aren’t a statistic in Global Health Watch, these trials are going on for diseases included in such. Global Health Watch also discusses research funding and medicalization, which is the root of pharmaceutical trials. Biomedicine leaves the United States boarders, and now the unethical trials that create the products are impacting other areas as well.
Prior to reading this book, I have always thought that the pharmaceutical industry’s main concern is profit. Sure, helping combat diseases and condition is a concern, too, but in a desensitized, removed way. I think it is too scientifically based, and this ethnographic research proves it. The industry has created a community for healthy people to put their lives at risk at the sake of financial benefit. Subjects’ first priority is not to find a medication to help their condition or a condition of loved ones, especially if they are classified as a professional guinea pig and do multiple tests a year for a wide range of health conditions. If their intentions were besides money, I think it would have been an entirely different research topic.
With a better understanding of what goes on behind the production of pharmaceutical drugs, I have confirmed that our society always wants more and something better. These drug trials are going on because companies want to gain profit and make something better than what is already working on the market. Testing whether a medication is actually better than those already on the market, though, is at a different stage than what is mostly examined in this ethnography. Regardless, the phase I trials that these guinea pigs are putting their health in jeopardy for are part of the cycle our consumerism is producing.
 Consumers should take this insight and think before they demand more. On the other hand, industries need to start thinking of their consumers, not just their profit. I do not have a solution, nor do I think there is a simple solution, to stop this market, but I do believe that individual pride and a business mindset is at the root of the pharmaceutical industry, which needs to change. Abadie’s work did not give a solution either, but his work is definitely a step in the right direction to find a healthy balance of technological advancement and safe citizens.
The Professional Guinea Pig needs to be read by anyone who has ever taken a medication in his or her life, because they are a major contributor to this detrimental pharmaceutical prevail. The fact that there are people willing to not be healthy for some extra money reflects some disheartening things about our country. Health, to me, is one of the most important things, and undoubtedly more than money. I find a problem when companies who are supposed to encourage a healthy body, too, are the ones initiating this harmful profession. Roberto Abadie gets inside the dirty background of one of the largest industries in the world and opens our eyes to a new standard of work and values on the human body.











References
Abadie, Roberto
     2010 The Professional Guinea Pig: Big Pharma and the Risky World of Human           
     Subjects. Durham and London: Duke University Press.

Awad, Zeina
    “Faultline: Outsourced: Clinical trials overseas.” Project: Report. YouTube.       

Global Health Watch 3: Alternative World Health Report
    2011 Global Health Watch 3: Alternative World Health Report. New York: Zed Books      
    Ltd.






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